Senator John Fetterman’s latest comments during an interview with the New York Times make it clear: he’s nervous about Trump’s momentum in Pennsylvania, and he has every reason to be.
When interviewer Lulu Garcia-Navarro pressed him about the impact of Trump’s popularity on Pennsylvania voters, Fetterman admitted his concerns openly, pointing to the deep-rooted support he’s seen firsthand, even in unexpected places like union halls.
Fetterman’s unease began when he observed the unwavering intensity of Trump supporters, from massive merchandise stores in deep-red counties to the long lines at rallies. As he described it, the loyalty isn’t just support; it’s a full-blown movement that he “acknowledges exists,” even if he doesn’t endorse it.
“There’s a difference between not understanding, but also acknowledging that it exists. And anybody spends time driving around, and you can see the intensity. It’s astonishing. I was doing an event in Indiana County—very, very red—and there was a superstore of Trump stuff, and it was a hundred feet long, and it was dozens of T-shirts and hats and bumper stickers and all kinds of, I mean, it’s like, Where does this all come from? It’s the kind of thing that has taken on its own life. And it’s like something very special exists there. And that doesn’t mean that I admire it. It’s just — it’s real.”
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Fetterman was particularly alarmed by Elon Musk’s recent endorsement of Trump, adding a powerful name to Trump’s side and, in his view, bringing legitimacy to Trump’s appeal.
Musk, according to Fetterman, commands a certain star power that could influence not just political insiders but everyday voters in blue-collar hubs like Scranton.
“I mean, to a lot of people, that’s Tony Stark,” he said. “That’s the world’s richest guy. And he’s obviously, and undeniably, a brilliant guy, and he’s saying, ‘Hey, that’s my guy for president.’’
According to Fetterman, Musk’s backing “is going to really matter.”
It’s hard to ignore Fetterman’s nervousness about how the Trump phenomenon has seeped into labor circles too. When Garcia-Navarro noted the Teamsters’ refusal to endorse a Democrat this cycle, Fetterman didn’t hide his dismay. Reflecting on a past conversation with a steelworkers’ union president, he recalled learning that around 60% of members favored Trump back in 2016. And he’s still seeing this trend in 2024, with grassroots union support moving further away from Democratic candidates.
“And I was like, ‘Oh, that sucks.’”
Fetterman noted that there are still some unions, like S.E.I.U. and government unions that are “still very, very Democratic,” but there are others, he says “for a lot of people, Trump has that kind of a connection.”
“That’s real,” he said. “I witnessed that. And that’s why I’m concerned, and that’s why polls were inaccurate. And that’s why now I’m saying we got to fight for every last vote. It’s going to matter.”
Fetterman’s assessment isn’t just an admission of Trump’s strength in Pennsylvania—it’s a warning for Democrats that’s Trump’s appeal has grown beyond traditional right-leaning demographics and into communities Democrats have historically counted on. As Pennsylvania emerges as a pivotal battleground, Fetterman’s remarks sound less like confidence in Kamala’s campaign and more like a tacit admission that Trump has the momentum in his state.
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